OPINION: What a Labour government means for Israel
Sir Keir Starmer vows his winning party is 'pro-Israel, pro-Palestine, and pro-peace'
In his four years as Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer has abandoned the noxious anti-Zionist worldview of his predecessor, explicitly rejecting the “Manichean view” of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict which animates the hard-left.
While recognising its multitude of complexities, the Prime Minister has said Labour’s approach will be guided by a simple principle: “we are pro-Israel, pro-Palestine, and pro-peace”.
Particularly since Hamas launched its attack on Israel on 7 October, the Labour leadership has consistently adhered to this principle.
On this issue, and at this time, nuance is rarely popular, but Sir Keir has rightly avoided simplistic and one-dimensional rhetoric and policies.
Nuance doesn’t mean a lack of ambition. The party’s manifesto pledged that the pursuit of “long term peace and security in the Middle East would be an immediate focus” for the next Labour government.
Daunting though this may be, the principles which have guided Sir Keir’s stance in opposition will serve it well in government.
So, what might this mean in concrete terms?
First, Gaza. The Labour government should strongly champion Israel’s ceasefire proposals, which have been endorsed by the UN Security Council.
That requires the application of diplomatic, economic and political pressure on Turkey and Qatar – which physically and financially host the terror group – to push Hamas to accept the deal. The government should also recognise that, as Sir Keir has repeatedly stated, Hamas “cannot form part of the government of a Palestinian state”.
With a ceasefire in place, the government should work with the EU, the US and moderate Arab states to assemble an anti-weapons smuggling taskforce in the Sinai Peninsula, choking Hamas off from its supply of Iranian weapons via the Red Sea.
This could provide breathing room for a new Palestinian Authority-led force to establish security in Gaza and prevent a debilitated Hamas from filling the power vacuum.
Security and stability in Gaza are vital for Palestinians and Israelis alike and will provide the first step on the road to reconstruction and long-term peace.
Ministers should also reiterate to the present Israeli government the urgent need for a day-after plan that goes beyond destroying Hamas and identifying who and what follows.
Second, broader Israeli-Palestinian relations. For any future progress to occur, Labour should work with international partners to encourage a root and branch reform of the PA: ending its policy of ‘pay to slay’; helping it put in place much-needed anti-corruption measures; bolstering its counter-terrorism police; strengthening Palestinian civic institutions committed to judicial independence and the rule of law; and committing to future elections.
This would form the basis of a programme to build-out Palestinian state institutions and build-up Israeli faith in the former’s ability to govern – a vital prerequisite if Labour’s vision of a negotiated two-state solution is to be realised.
At the same time, Labour should work with its sister parties in Israel to ready the ground for the necessary compromises on Israel’s side – on settlement expansion, for example.
The government should honour its commitment in opposition to support the Alliance for Middle East Peace’s proposed International Fund for Israeli-Palestinian Peace, which would support peace-building projects that bring Israelis and Palestinians together.
Finally, at a regional and geopolitical level, the new government should embrace the opportunity provided by the Abraham Accords to bring about a more integrated and peaceful region; one that is able to collectively check an expansionist Iran.
The government should support US-brokered efforts to bring Saudi Arabia into this family of nations; utilise the Accord’s framework to counter extremism in Gaza and foster economic opportunity; and re-energise the Indian-Middle East-European Corridor. Launched at the G20 in 2023, but stalled by events since 7 October, this would tie the trading patterns of Israelis, Palestinians, Indians, Saudis, Emiratis and others together.
Over the past 10 months, Iran’s proxy Hezbollah has threatened to provoke a full-blown war on Israel’s northern border, while Tehran has continued to pursue its destabilising nuclear ambitions and ballistic missile programme.
Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps rests at the heart of these nefarious activities.
As a first step, the government should move to fulfil its commitment to proscribing the IRGC. Beyond this, it should work with our allies in the US, Europe and the region to prevent Iran acquiring a nuclear capability; a nightmarish scenario that would trigger a regional nuclear arms race, empower the Russian-Iranian axis, and massively diminish the world’s ability to tackle Tehran’s expansionism.
This agenda won’t cure the region’s ills or solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict overnight. It doesn’t fit easily on a placard.
But it is squarely focused on delivering real, long-term and concrete change.
It will involve brave, tough and resolute leadership – internationally, at home and within the Labour party itself. All the qualities that Sir Keir has shown as he has led his party from opposition back into government.
- Joan Ryan, executive director, ELNET UK.
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